The SADC report has given a clean (or nearly so) bill of health to Zimbabwe’s elections, and despite protests from the MDC, it looks as if it is a done deal. The flaws were clearly very real, but the political context means further serious dispute looks unlikely, although political uncertainty continues (see earlier blog).
So, what next? There have been various commentators speculating. This blog is a round-up of some of these. Richard Dowden in African Arguments suspects:
“Mugabe will now go into reconciliation mode as he did after his first (also unpredicted) election victory of 1980 and again after he brutally crushed the Ndebele uprising in the mid 1980s. Now he will deploy his considerable charm and hold out a hand to African and western governments that have criticised him in the past….. He may not fully implement the indigenisation programme… just as he failed to implement socialist policies in the 1980s after he took power. In all these moves, the only question in his mind will be: will this keep ultimate power in my hands?”
Apart from “state control and manipulation of the election process”, Dowden argues that Mugabe retained power because of the “do not upset a Big Man” factor. “If he is a Big Man and is president and wants to go on being president, then let him have it. Otherwise he will create problems. ‘I will vote for him because he is president’, is a phrase I have heard in many elections in Africa”, he observes. Also, his victory will be applauded more widely he thinks: “many people in Africa feel that the relationship [with the West]is still not one of equality: multi party democracy has been imposed, resource nationalism is blocked by a Western-controlled economic system and attitudes to Africa are still patronising and sometimes bullying”.
A Zimbabwean election is of course won or lost in the rural areas. The reconfiguration of political forces following land reform in particular has often been forgotten by the Harare-centric commentariat. Brian Raftopoulos observes:
The deconstruction of former white-owned, large-scale commercial farms and their replacement by a preponderance of small farm holders has radically changed the social and political relations in these areas. The new forms in which Zanu PF and the state have penetrated these new social relations have affected the forms of Zanu PF dominance in these areas. The rapid expansion of small-scale, “informal” mining companies has also brought a larger number of workers into the fold of Zanu PF’s accumulation and patronage network.
This is a crucial point; one that all political parties should take note of. The rural areas are by no means uniform, and even with Masvingo province there are different dynamics, reflecting different factions, interests and coalitions: for example between the core land reform areas and the lowveld.
From now on, the political elite is going to have to take note of rural politics much more. And this is going to be especially important for the opposition to ZANU-PF, in whatever form it takes. The MDC’s 2013 campaign focus on a liberal human rights agenda, combined with a western investor-friendly macroeconomic policy, often forgot questions of distribution, restitution and socio-economic rights, and in particular around rural issues. Also, with its focus on western powers and interests, attention to regional, African political realities was sometimes forgotten. Simukai Tinhu recommends a major overhaul, “embracing nationalism and a pan-African outlook” as part of a ten-year renewal strategy.
As Stephen Chan points out, one thing is certain about these recent elections: they will be the last for the great protagonists of the past 15 years, Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai. Who will take over and how will their legacies be settled have become the big questions. There has been plenty of commentary on this too. Will it be Emerson Mnangagwa or Joice Mujuru in ZANU-PF and Tendai Biti or Nelson Chamisa in the MDC-T? All sorts of internal contests are going on right now. For Zimbabwe as a whole, the sooner these are settled the better for everyone.
It’s taking longer than billed for the new cabinet to be announced (I was expecting to be commenting on the allocation of the agriculture, land and finance portfolios this week (here’s the list from 10 Sept pm)). This probably reflects too a complex balancing act between groupings within, maybe even outside, ZANU-PF. Its final composition will be a strong indication to the country and, crucially, the wider world of how ZANU-PF intends to govern. We must hope that an inclusive and pragmatic approach is taken.
With the elections duly won (even if involving some foul play), hopefully ZANU-PF can tone down the rhetoric, take a more conciliatory stance and begin to deal with some of the big policy issues. What no-one wants is a return to the strife and economic chaos of the mid-2000s, a prospect that is genuinely feared on the streets. An accommodation with the international community will be essential. China may be the new ‘development partner’ on the block, but its support is insufficient. A further economic implosion would be catastrophic, so placating the western donors and international finance institutions is a must, while not conceding too much to their conditionalities.
Meanwhile, in the coming months, the new government must deal with a major food security crisis, some say of its own making. The complex issues of the food economy, food production vs imports and how to assess food security and what should be done will be turned to in the blog next week.
This post was written by Ian Scoones and originally appeared on Zimbabweland
zimbabweland 
If the diaspora had been allowed the vote, then there’d be no need for the MDC to shift it’s policy toward crude nationalism and populism [and I have no doubt that you find populism distasteful in your own country]. And what western ‘conditionalities’ are we talking about here? Respect for human rights? [Respect for the] rule of law? Human rights are human rights are human rights. There are no exceptions.
Its amazing Richard Dowden is what passes for “Zimbabwe specialist” in the UK! His major lesson from Mugabe’s victory was that people did not want to upset “The Big Man”? Does Richard ever test this hypothesis against the March 2008 Mugabe loss?
Brian Raftopoulos does a little better than Richard. He correctly identifies the alignment of the rural peasants needs with ZANU-PF policies. However, true to neo-liberal thought, he couches this as a bad thing! A scandalous patronage network!
If ZANU was a western party, would it not be praised, rather than ridiculed for getting so many people to not only like its policies, but actually economically benefit from them?
Finally, to Ian’s hopes on Zimbabwe, 1) avoidance of confrontation with the West. 2) reengaging and acquiescing to IFI recommendations and 3) stabilizing the economy to avoid losses of the 2000s era.
I don’t see any chance of the above 3 happening. The overriding policy for ZANU during this 5-year window is Indigenization. There will not be any friendly feelers from the west as long as this policy is in play.
IFI policy prescriptions are FDI driven and Indigenization is looked at in the West as anti-FDI.
Finally, the very nature of transition, no matter how peaceful, will be such that Indigenization will create economic dislocations in the short to medium term. This alone guarantees an extended further economic instability in Zimbabwe.
My recommendation to ZANU is the very opposite of Ian’s; 1) look away from the west and IFIs. 2) Expand financial links and trade with BRICS. 3) Increase African trade with such nations as Zambia, Angola, Kenya, etc to reduce dependency on the West and the BRICS. 4) Accelerate diamond mining so proceeds can cushion the country from revenge attacks guaranteed to come from the West for veering off the neoliberal course.
Zanu PF has never cared about big policy issues only about enrichment and rule by patronage. They haven’t a clue how to govern a country and actually put money towards important things like education and health. China will prop them up while ignoring human rights and environmental issues in their need for raw materials.
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