Documentaries on land reform in Zimbabwe

A recent review article in the Journal of Southern African Studies by University of Pretoria based Rory Pilossof (see my review of his book in an earlier blog) discusses three film documentaries on land reform. The article in particular takes issue with our work and spends much of it launching a number of critiques. But, despite these diversions, in the end it comes to a sensible conclusion with which I agree wholeheartedly.

The review includes our short films, Voices from the Field, profiling seven farmers in our sample in Masvingo (see also youtube channel). Of course these were never ever thought of as documentaries as they were on average 5 minutes long, and simply as complements to the book and other more detailed material. The other two films are the much hailed, but heavily criticised, Mugabe and the White African (running to 94 minutes and big budget – certainly relative to ours) and the campaign film, the House of Justice, again focusing on farms in Chegutu, including that of Campbell and Freeth at Mount Carmel (running to 24 minutes, and lower budget).

With Miles Tendi and others, I have commented on the Mugabe film – and the even more extraordinary book by Ben Freeth. It is a shame Pilossof did not review Simon Bright’s excellent documentary, Robert Mugabe… What Happened? This is a much more appropriate contrast to the Mugabe film, showing how over a similar length of film, depth, nuance and complexity can be conveyed while still not losing its punch. I have my issues with this film too (as does Miles), but these critiques are not in the same league.

In my view, these three film contributions are very unlike and not really appropriate to compare. Pilossof however mainly uses the article as a platform to critique our work in particular. I will come to a few responses to this in a moment. However his overall conclusion I agree with entirely:

The lack of simple answers and the range of experiences, outcomes and processes make the land question a hugely complicated entity to study. More needs to be done to access the nuances and overlaps, rather than the dramatic and the separate. In part this entails conversations between white farmers, farm workers and beneficiaries…..the failure to situate land reform in the much wider political struggles of this period, and the history that informs them, is much more of a concern….

This is exactly the argument we make in our book, and has been made many, many times on this blog (see blogs on white farmers, labour etc.). Yet Pilossof complains about our film:

“Voices [our film] contains even less historical background than Mugabe and no commentary on the political context of the FTLRP. There is no mention of the violence surrounding the land allocations, of the processes of political patronage in land allocations or, most problematically for Scoones et al, the displacement of earlier land beneficiaries for new groups deemed more worthy”.

It is true in our five minute films we did not cover the whole history of colonialism, nor the wider political and policy context for resettlement after 1980 and during the fast-track period. This was not the intention. They were simply an opportunity for a few farmers, representing the range of experiences we found in the field – different livelihood combinations (farm and non-farm), different crops (market gardening, livestock, cotton, sugar) and different scheme types (A1 and A2) – to share their perspectives and experiences. The choice of seven was not statistically representative at all, and not intended to be, simply offering a range.

Our films were short profiles not full length documentaries, and could only do so much in the time (and a very limited budget). They were always meant to be complemented by the book where pages and pages discuss history, politics, economic context and present data backed by a rigorous sampling frame and both qualitative and quantitative data. As anyone who has read our material and this blog will know, we do not give a simple black and white view about land reform in Zimbabwe, as this review suggests. The films open with the following:

“Chaos, destruction and violence have dominated the coverage. While these have been part of the reality, there have also been successes which have thus far have largely gone unrecorded. The story is simply not one of collapse and catastrophe, it is much more complex. There have been many successes as well as failures”.

The films simply allowed a few farmers to speak, and tell their own story. They were indeed from different backgrounds, doing different things, many with previous employment. Pilossof regards this as a problem, proving somehow that they were not making a living from agriculture on their new farms. They were, but they were also doing other things, both before land reform and since. This is the reality of rural Zimbabwe, and the land reform settlements, something we wanted to get across.

Unlike Ben Freeth and co, such farmers have not had the opportunity to share their experience in their own words to a wider audience. It was heartening to find the BBC interested in following up, and Martin Plaut and his team did a series of interviews with some of those presented in the films. To hear Mr Nago speaking on Radio 4 while eating my breakfast in the UK was a fine change from the usual diet dished out by the BBC and other international media. Yes, these are only one set of voices, but they are important ones surely?

Pilossof then provides another line of attack, claiming that our “entire research project was supported by Agritex”. Yes certainly we worked closely with colleagues in Agritex, but also we worked with others at UZ, AIAS, Ruzivo Trust and so on. We were supported financially by the UK’s ESRC via a grant through PLAAS. All this is very clear in our materials. He goes on: “This collusion with the state is never discussed”. I don’t think we were colluding with anyone, and our work has been widely shared in many fora, and have been always very open in our partnerships. But he argues that we had special freedoms and “…the compromises entailed include a blinkered focus on beneficiaries, ignoring the reform process and its associated violence”. As discussed in many previous blogs we totally reject this claim – and our writing and commentary just simply does not bear such accusations up. He goes on: “Scoones et al are as guilty as Bailey and Thompson [the filmmakers involved in the Mugabe film] (and to an extent Freeth) in refusing to acknowledge the tortured processes of land transfer in Zimbabwe, past and present”. This again is of course quite ridiculous, betraying a lack of attention to our work.

For some reason he seems determined to discredit our work. The overall result is that, by dismissing our findings and inappropriately in my view criticising our film through a false comparison, Pilossoff ends up supporting the interpretations in the other films. To be honest, I would have expected a more thorough argument in JSAS. Maybe I am being overly sensitive as I actually agree completely with his conclusions, even if not with most of his arguments. Take a look at the review for yourself, but I am afraid you will have to pay £23.50 to read it in full (for only 5 pages!) as it’s behind a paywall. Sorry…

This post was written by Ian Scoones and originally appeared on Zimbabweland


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11 responses to “Documentaries on land reform in Zimbabwe

  1. Dave

    Well, judging by your posts, I’d say that you do provide a one-sided view. Nowhere are you explicitly critical of Mugabe, or ZanuPF. Nowhere are you explicitly critical of the violence that accompanied the land reform, or do you mention the murders. The common thread throughout your blog is explicit criticism of white farmers + the MDC + capitalism + anyone who provides a viewpoint other than your own (and that of the PLAAS).

    • Dave, I suggest you read the blogs a bit more carefully. Critique is offered where it is due, and praise equally. I have pointed you towards earlier blogs on violence before, as well as critiques of the Mugabe regime. That I am crticised by all sides suggests sometimes I hit the mark with the commentaries on this blog.

      • Dave

        I tell you what, I’ll read each and every post with due diligence [promise], if you comment on the flag on your blog’s main image [woman, to the right of ox-drawn cart, proudly wearing a ZANU {or Zimbabwe?} flag].

      • Dave – I sent several replies to this to your gmail address linked to your account, as I thought this was a diversion from the blog discussion. But since you insist, she is wearing a wrap with the words ‘reggae, reggae’ on it, with the rastafarian colours. I am not sure what this to do with ZANU-PF.

      • T Hodson

        Hi Ian. I think the problem for me is that you have never discussed why Mugabe launched the land invasions when he did. This was straight after the referendum in 1999 where he suffered defeat. This had never happened before and he was enraged. Thus he began the process of

        alienating,politically and otherwise, the farmworkers and isolating the rural

        communities from political “contamination”. You have also never discussed the fact that only Zanu PF supporters were able to ge land.

        politically and otherwise

      • Have you read our book? An examination of the multiple motivations and processes behind the land invasions are discussed in some depth, as equally is the issue of the political alliances and affiliations of new settlers. Bottom line: it’s not as simple a story as you suggest; and even in Masvingo province the situation varied considerably between areas, between A1 and A2 etc. I’ll try and do some blogs on these recurring issues in the future, perhaps with some excerpts from the book (I know it’s long and dense – but it does pack in a lot of information, and if you are interested in the issue, it’s still worth a read!).

  2. T Hodson

    Does anyone else find it difficult to write comments in the comment block. It does not let you do more than a few lines and then you can’t see what you are writing.

  3. Batanai

    Ian, I am surprised you put so much effort into appealing to Dave! He does not appear to like your narrative, gets flustered when you present issues that do not necessarily support MDC point of view and really detests it when you appear to agree with ZANU policies on land!

    Why is it necessary that you bend over backwards for someone who looks like they will NEVER see your point of view?

    This reminds me of the reason why most liberals fell out with Obama; he was so obsessed with trying to please extreme conservative Republicans (Tea party nuts) rather than focus on moderate Republicans and his Democratic supporters! People that would never, ever vote for him. In the end, he lost the House in 2010 as his supporters stayed home and the conservatives he had tried to please exploited his weakness and ferociously attacked!

    As an academic, stand for what you know and have researched! This waste of time having to justify a pictured woman’s choice of dress is beneath you!

    • T Hodson

      Batanai – surely what Ian wants to do is encourage debate and discussion. You can’t just ignore viewpoints different from your own.

  4. Pingback: Voices from the field: an entrepreneurial farmer from Gutu | zimbabweland

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